Aminu Kano

Mallam Aminu Kano (9 August 1920 — 17 April 1983) was a Nigerian politician, teacher, poet, playwright, and trade unionist from Kano. One of the most prominent figures in Nigeria's independence movement and post-independence political history, he was known for his opposition to colonialism, the dominance of traditional rulers, and the social inequalities in Northern Nigeria. He was a founding figure of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and later led the People's Redemption Party (PRP), both of which were socialist parties which advocated for the emancipation of the talakawa (commoners) in Nigeria.

Aminu began his career as a teacher and emerged as an early critic of the British colonial government, and publicly challenged the native aristocracy, denouncing the colonial system of indirect rule as oppressive and exploitative of the talakawa. In 1948, he founded the Northern Teachers' Association, the first labour union in Northern Nigeria, and became a founding member of the Northern People's Congress (NPC), which he later left due to its conservatism. As leader of NEPU from 1953, he championed democratic socialism, women's rights, and the empowerment of the talakawa, seeking to align Islamic principles with social justice.

Early life and education Aminu Kano was born in the Sudawa ward of Kano on 9 August 1920 to Rakaiya and Mallam Yusufu of the Gyanawa, a Fulani clan known for their expertise in Islamic jurispudence. Of his mother's six births, he was the only one to reach the age of 15. Both of his parents were well learned in Islam, and his father later served as Chief Alkali of Kano. His grandmother was given the Fulani title of Modibbo, typically reserved for respected Islamic scholars. Among them was a mallam who served as a personal adviser to the then Emir of Kano, Sulimanu. This mallam supported himself by breeding and selling pigeons, earning the nickname Mallam Mai Tattabari ('the mallam who raises pigeons'). This nickname became an official title in the Kano palace and has been passed down to his successors, serving as the emirs' personal Imams and advisers on Islamic law. After his mother died in 1926, he relocated to his uncle's home to live under the care of his maternal grandmother, who lived there. Consequently, Halilu, his uncle who was later appointed 'Mallam Mai Tattabari', became responsible for his Koranic education. Aminu was further enrolled into Shehuci Primary School, a western school, where he was taught how to read and write in English.

In 1933, Aminu began attending Kano Middle School (later renamed Rumfa College, Kano), a boarding school. There, in 1935, he led one of the first student strikes in Nigeria against a shortage of soap, poor food, "too many restrictions, and too severe a code of behavior".

Teaching career

After graduating from Kaduna College in 1940, Aminu opted for a career in law rather than following the path of his classmates who mostly chose teaching. This choice was uncommon as Sharia courts, more popular than the parallel magistrate courts in Kano among Muslims, did not allow lawyers. Additionally, his interest in studying medicine in England was hindered by the requirement to attend King's College and Yaba Higher College, both in Lagos in Southern Nigeria, for some years. However, due to ongoing student unrests, the principal of King's College was reluctant to admit Aminu, who was known for leading student protests. Aminu also attempted to join the army and the police force but was rejected from both as he was five feet four, an inch shorter than the minimum height requirement. At Kaduna College, many continued to advise him to pursue a teaching career but it was his science teacher, Dr. R. E. Miller, who convinced him to take up teaching as a profession. This organisation was likely influenced by a similar organisation Zungur had founded while in Zaria, the Northern Provinces General Improvement Union (NPGIU). Aminu and Zungur wrote letters and articles attacking the British 'directed labour' policy, which they saw as a disguised form of conscription. With Britain requiring significant quantities of food, tin, and soldiers for World War II, colonial officials exerted pressure on Native Authorities to 'direct' specified quotas of food and manpower. Britain extensively used unregulated forced conscription in Northern Nigeria to support its war effort after its military misfortunes in the Far East in 1942. One of Aminu's unsigned articles was read by the senior District Officer, A J Knott, in the West African Pilot, who traced it back to the BGIU. This discovery led to the dissolution of the union and its replacement with the Bauchi Discussion Circle (BDC) or Majalisar Tadi ta Bauchi, sponsored by colonial authorities. The BDC was designed as a sanctioned platform for open debate encompassing 'any and all ideas'.

Bauchi Discussion Circle BDC held weekly discussions, attracting various attendees like department heads, administrators, merchants and teachers. The number of participants surpassed that of the previous Bauchi General Improvement Union (BGIU), attracting moderates who felt more at ease given the government's sanction. Aminu, as secretary, was in charge of sending out invitations and choosing the topics to be discussed. These topics discussed included economic development, democracy, medicine, war and religion. When the topic was freedom of the press, Aminu and Zungur highlighted the contradiction in British policy, arguing that on the one hand they suppressed and privately condemned the only voices independent of the emirs and on the other hand, they publicly encouraged independent thought and initiative. He was also influenced by leading Labour politicians of the time, such as Aneurin Bevan and Fenner Brockway.

After being exposed to these ideas and influences, Aminu attempted to blend the political philosophies of early French and American revolutionaries with Shavian Fabian socialism and the teachings of Usman dan Fodio, all while still under the influence of Sa'adu Zungur's radical ideas. He also witnessed the eve of India and Pakistan's independence struggles through the students from both nations. Aminu, alongside students from various British colonies, welcomed Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru, leading figures in the independence movements of Pakistan and India respectively, during their London visit in 1947. These experiences likely contributed to his interest in the Gandhian form of resistance. while still studying London, Aminu formed the Northern Teachers' Welfare Association (later Northern Teachers' Association), the first region-wide organisation and labour union in Northern Nigeria, alongside other teachers from the region, like Salihu Fulani, Z. Y. Dimka, Yahaya Gusau, Shettima Shehu Ajiram, Shehu Shagari, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The union focused on issues like rights and welfare of teachers, an improved syllabus, differences in salary between the North and the South and the eligibility of teachers in Christian Mission Schools for membership.

The union grew rapidly, having about 200 members in its first month and 25 branches within its first year and was later influential on the region's nationalist organisations that came after it. The union continued being the most dominant teachers' union in Northern Nigeria until is merger with the Nigerian Union of Teachers, the dominant teachers' union in southern Nigeria, in 1972.

Return to Bauchi With the end of his course in 1948, Aminu returned to Bauchi to resume his teaching career at the Bauchi Middle School. A few months later he was transferred to the Bauchi Teachers' Training College.

Sokoto Sokoto had served as the capital of the 19th-century Sokoto Caliphate, established through the jihad of Usman dan Fodio. The caliphate covered a large majority of Northern Nigeria and most of the emirs owed allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto. After the colonisation of the state by the British during the early 20th-century, Sokoto became a province and the Sultan's status was reduced; the other emirs answered directly to the British government, no longer to the Sultan. However, it retained its significance as the center of traditional and religious authority in the region. Hence, it was considered the most conservative section of a very conservative North. It was clear that Aminu's transfer to Maru was not only meant to distance him from Zungur but also to isolate him and impede his activities. Upon his arrival, he attempted to set up a discussion circle but there were too few educated people around him and the nearest large town to Maru was 35 miles away, "over terrible, barely passable roads". The Sultan, Siddiq Abubakar III, was also monitoring him, as Aminu later discovered. He learned that an elderly man he regularly gave alms to was a spy for the Sultan several weeks into his stay in Maru.

At that time, Aminu shared a cordial relationship with Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who held a rivalry with the Sultan. When the Sultan's court convicted Bello of jangali tax ('cattle tax') misappropriations in 1943, Aminu contributed a significant portion of his Bauchi teaching salary to Bello's defense fund. With Aminu now in Maru, Bello saw him as a potential ally against the Sultan. Bello frequently visited Aminu in Maru, and during a visit by Aminu to Sokoto for a provincial constitutional conference, he stayed at Bello's residence. During this period, the Sultan extended a private invitation to Aminu, likely seeking reconciliation. He requested a discreet 2 a.m. meeting, but upon learning that Aminu had told Bello about this invitation, the Sultan grew furious and canceled the meeting.

In its first general meeting in December 1949, the leaders of the congress, Dikko and Gusau, declared that the congress did not intend to subvert the colonial and aristocratic government and that the:Jam'iyyar does not intend to usurp the authority of our Natural rulers; on the contrary, it is our ardent desire to enhance such authority whenever and wherever possible. We want to help our Natural rulers in the proper discharge of their duties...We want to help them in enlightening the Talakawa [common people]. Consequently, NEPU withdrew from the NPC, forming an independent political party. and "a high proportion of elected members became defenders of its interests".

A mass rally of "15,000 souls [taxpayers]" by NEPU was organised in Kano to protest this outcome. The party organised mock elections to show that direct elections could be conducted in an orderly fashion. NEPU managed to raise enough funds to send Aminu to England "to plead their case before the British Parliament and the general public". With the help of Thomas Hodgkin and John Collins, Aminu was able to meet members of the House of Lords, Fabian MPs, and the British Secretary of State. The Native Authority retaliated by harassing and jailing NEPU members around Kano, notably physically assaulting Gambo Sawaba, the influential women's rights activist and leader of NEPU's women's wing. The NPC, now the leading political party in the North, also employed 'a group of hooligans' who were colloquially known as Yan Mahaukata ('mad people') or Jam'iyyar Mahaukata ('Madmen's Party'), to harass members of other political parties in Kano, particularly NEPU members. In addition to establishing the Positive Action Wing (PAW) to counter these aggressions, some members of the British Parliament, such as Fenner Brockway, put pressure on the colonial government to cease the repressive actions. The PAW was eventually dissolved in 1954 as it turned out to be even more violent than the Yan Mahaukata. thumb Aminu (L) at the second annual conference of American Society of African Culture in 1959. At the conference, he gave a lecture on "The Problem of African Education". leftDue to his high status within the party Aminu was well protected against the physical violence the other NEPU members suffered. However, Aminu faced numerous arrests by the Native Authority. Notably, during the federal election campaign of 1954, he was convicted twice. First, for flying NEPU's flag on his car in Kano city—an act traditionally reserved for the Emir of Kano and the British Resident. Second, for publishing articles with alleged 'seditious intent,' resulting in a three-day imprisonment for the former and a £50 fine for the latter. In another incident, he was accused of heresy by a group of mallamai, led by Nasiru Kabara. The accusation centered around the belief that the wearing of Sawaba buttons by NEPU members was un-Islamic, and NEPU was alleged to be collaborating with Christians against the religious leaders of the North. Accompanied by his advisers Danladi and Lawan Dambazau, Aminu appeared before the Emir's council of Kano to address these charges. Given the gravity of the accusations, he and the aforementioned advisers "performed the ablutions of a man facing impending death (last rites)". At the meeting, Aminu pointed out that the emir's council was not a debating society and that discussions should be held separately and later reported to the emir. This was agreed and a second meeting was scheduled. At this second meeting, Aminu said that NEPU's alliance with National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) was not against Islamic teachings as even Muhammad once made a defense alliance with Jews around Medina. He also said that the Emir of Kano himself had recently consulted Christian Igbo engineers to work on the Great Mosque of Kano in the 1950s. On the matter of the Sawaba buttons, Aminu questioned if it was also considered un-Islamic when some emirs wore the medal of the British Order of St. George. A compromise was eventually reached and NEPU members were only allowed to wear party badges at mass rallies.

The 1959 Nigerian general election marked a significant milestone as the first election featuring direct voting in every constituency. Aminu, running under the NEPU-NCNC alliance, again contested for the Kano East constituency and received 60.4% of the votes, securing a seat in the Federal House of Representatives.

First Republic (1960—1966)

As a Parliamentarian, Aminu directed his attention toward national and international issues affecting the newly independent Nigeria, while maintaining his main objective of the emancipation of the talakawa. At the House, he proposed several ways to support and speed up the country's decolonisation efforts. With regard to Nigeria's foreign policy, Aminu was a staunch advocate of pan-Africanism, arguing that Nigeria should become "the base for struggle against the white domination". He persistently pushed for Nigeria to increase its support for anti-apartheid efforts in South Africa and encouraged the continued involvement of Nigeria in restoring "peace and dignity in the Congo". Appointed as a United Nations (UN) delegate by the Prime Minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, his former colleague from Bauchi, Aminu was less radical relative to his local activities. During his tenure at the UN, particularly on international matters, he aligned himself with "progressivism and vigilant neutralism." As a militant pan-Africanist, he advocated for a non-aligned position for Nigeria, believing in the cause of 'non-bloc diplomacy'.

During Aminu's tenure in the House in Lagos, managing NEPU became increasingly challenging. In early 1961, Joseph Tarka, leader of the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), proposed an alliance between NEPU and his party to form a potent coalition to challenge the NPC in the North. However, the condition was that NEPU would support UMBC's goal of creating a separate Middle Belt state. While Aminu saw potential benefits in the coalition, he declined due to UMBC's affiliation with the Action Group (AG). He interpreted the proposal as an indirect attempt by the AG to sever NCNC's ties with NEPU, their main opposition in the south. Despite opposition from some NEPU members, the UMBC proposal gained popularity, and Aminu's rejection faced criticism. NEPU's poor performance in the 1961 elections for the Northern House of Assembly, where they won only one seat, added to the party's internal instability. In 1963, Muhammad Sanusi was deposed by the Northern Regional Government as Emir of Kano. Aminu suspected Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern Nigeria and NPC leader, of being behind the deposition. He distributed posters and propaganda drawing parallels to the historical rivalry between Sokoto and Kano. Sanusi was replaced by the ageing Muhammad Inuwa, who had a cordial relationship with Aminu. Sanusi's supporters formed the Kano People's Party (KPP), aiming for his return or his son Ado Sanusi's ascension. The KPP allied with NEPU, albeit without a commitment to Sanusi's restoration. NPC, in an attempt to salvage support in Kano, called for its supporters to greet the new Emir. After NEPU supporters were harassed at the gathering, they organised a larger gathering the next day with 35,000 people in attendance, where the Emir received them positively. Inuwa died the day after this gathering and Bello, in an attempt to avoid further unrest, appointed Ado Bayero, Sanusi's half-brother and Nigeria's ambassador to Senegal, as his replacement. Sanusi's deposition significantly impacted NEPU's support in Kano and heightened tensions between Kano and Sokoto, particularly within the Sufi brotherhoods Tijanniyya and Qadriyya. Although Aminu remained unaffiliated with any Sufi brotherhood, he understood their significance in Northern Nigeria and leveraged the rivalries to advance NEPU's interests. During the 1964 Federal election campaigns, Aminu visited Sheikh Ibrahim Niass, the influential Tijanni leader, in Kaolack resulting in photos of Aminu receiving blessings from the Sheikh circulating in Northern Nigeria.

Ironsi's regime

Despite the optimism among his fellow NEPU members, who believed they could fill the political vacuum left by the coup, Aminu approached the Ironsi regime cautiously. Representing his party, he sent a 'cautiously worded' telegram to the government, avoiding swearing allegiance but expressing hope that the Ironsi regime would unite the nation and advance democratisation. Ironsi quickly became unpopular in the North and West regions due to his disregard for the political class of these regions, favouring the emirs and chiefs instead . The only influential political figures in the new administration were the former Governors, now serving as advisers to the military governors. The new situation in the North began to resemble the old indirect rule of the British colonialists, which further increased the animosity against the regime, especially within the radical circles. Three months into his rule, Aminu was holding talks with Joseph Tarka and Maitama Sule regarding what they considered "a common threat to Nigeria".

In early January 1967, the Supreme Military Council (SMC) held a meeting in Aburi, Ghana, which historian Max Siollun described as "a historic constitutional debate that would determine Nigeria's future social and political structure". A Federal Executive Council (FEC) was formed to serve under the Supreme Military Council. The FEC included appointed civilian representatives from each state and was to serve as the administrative arm of the government. Aminu was appointed as Kano State's representative and was given the position of the Federal Commissioner of Communications.

This was a man who was not pleased with either side or how the matter was being handled. That meeting made an indelible mark on me about Aminu Kano, about his character and his intellect. Aminu approached the war not as a conflict against the Igbo people or the former Eastern Region, but as a war against secession. During a speech to students at Kano's Abdullahi Bayero College in February 1970, he urged Nigerians, and the government, to properly prepare for the return of Biafrans. Aminu stressed:There is the problem of reintegration of the Ibos. They left a large part of this country, and a lot of what they left has been taken over by the indigenes of the place. What are they to do? This is important since we are fighting them to stay in Nigeria. We are saying, "You can't go away. You must remain Nigerian." When they come back, can you deny them the right to own plots or land? You can't do that. How can the common Ibo take that? They said, "We want to go away." We said, "No, you must remain in Nigeria." They will say, "Now we are back." What do we do? These are problems that must be faced. It is not a simple problem. It is not enough to say the houses in Sabon Gari, the houses in Tudun Wada, the houses in Kaduna are being taken care of. Will they come back? With their industry? With a bigger desire to stay in Nigeria? A lot of our sons and daughters went and died in the name of unity to contain the Ibos in Nigeria. Can you afford to ostracize them now? You can't. What are you going to do? What is your program? You must begin to plan from now. It is not enough ot say, "Oh yes, they are coming back."

Muhammad's regime (1975—1976) and Obasanjo's regime (1976—1979)

After the conclusion of the civil war, he assumed the position of Federal Commissioner of Health in 1971. In 1975, a coup d'état against Gowon was launched while Gowon was representing Nigeria at the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity in Kampala. Murtala Muhammad was announced as Head of State by the coupists on 30 July 1975. The "ban on politics" was also lifted on the same day and Nigerians were encouraged to form political parties in preparation of an election the following year.

Second republic (1979—1983) After General Muhammad announced the plan to return to civilian rule by 1979, Aminu reaching out to his contacts to form a political association. He also maintained relationships with student organisations nationwide.

It became increasingly apparent that the NPN was "on its way to power" as the elections progressed. After the party experienced widespread success during the National Assembly election, the participating parties began proposing and forming alliances. On 28 July, three out of the five parties — namely UPN, NPP, and GNPP — met in Lagos to form an alliance against the NPN. The PRP was invited to join this alliance but did not respond. A similar arrangement was proposed to the PRP by the NPN through Shehu Shagari, NPN's presidential candidate. In his autobiography, he claimed to have made this proposal while Aminu was still trying to get FEDECO to clear him. He tried to convince Aminu to withdraw from the presidential race "since we both knew his chances to be bleak". In return, the PRP could focus more on other elections and "participate in an NPN federal government". According to Shagari, Aminu agreed but on two conditions: he would consult his party members and seek approval, and also challenge FEDECO's decision in court in order to "defend his good name". Aminu was cleared on 1 August 1979, hours before the deadline for presidential nominations. He flew from Kano to Lagos on the same day to file his nomination papers with FEDECO. This led Shagari to conclude that the PRP did not endorse their agreement.

The presidential election held on 11 August saw Aminu winning only in his home state of Kano, where he garnered 76% of the votes. Nationwide, he received 1,732,113 votes, amounting to 10% of the total votes cast. Additionally, the PRP secured victories in two gubernatorial elections: Abubakar Rimi in Kano (with 79% of the votes) and Balarabe Musa in Kaduna (with 45% of the votes). According to Shagari, Aminu was a skillful campaigner and "genuinely cared about people and empathized with them pretty well" but failed to be more successful nationwide because "his PRP lacked the large organizational base and resources necessary for an effective nationwide campaign". Awolowo appealed to the Supreme Court, which dismissed the appeal.

The PRP split Some months into the Second Republic, nine governors from UPN, GNPP, and PRP held monthly meetings where they held discussions and aired their grievances against Shagari's government. These governors were seen as the main political opposition to the ruling party. This caused tension within the PRP as the party's most influential leaders—its President Aminu and its National Secretary, S.G. Ikoku—emphasized cooperation with the NPN, while some more radical members, including the two governors, Abubakar Rimi and Balarabe Musa, who were both members of the nine Governors, denounced the NPN and opposed any form of cooperation. The radical faction was called Santsi ('slippery' in Hausa) after Aminu said they were on a slippery slope. Rimi then replied that 'some party leaders' were 'stuck in the mud', hence the pro-Aminu faction were known as Taɓo ('mud' in Hausa).

During the spring of 1980, while Aminu was abroad for medical treatment, the PRP leadership formally prohibited the two governors from attending the nine governors' meetings. Upon his return, unable to mediate between the two factions, he aligned himself with the Taɓo faction, thereby endorsing the actions of the party establishment. As the two governors persisted in attending the meetings despite the directive, they were expelled from the party. In response, the Santsi faction, claiming to be the authentic PRP, convened a party convention in December 1980, where they expelled Aminu and Ikoku, replacing them with Chief Michael Imodu and Abubakar Rimi, respectively. However, despite the significant number of PRP legislators who sided with the Santsi faction, FEDECO recognized Aminu as the legitimate leader of the PRP.

1981 Kano riot On 7 July 1981, Governor Rimi issued a letter to the Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, accusing him of deliberate disrespect toward the Kano State Government. The letter demanded a response within 48 hours to justify why disciplinary action should not be taken. The letter was described by the West Africa magazine as "most disrespectful...suitable for admonishing a clerk, but...most unsuitable for addressing a [venerated] traditional and religious leader". Other conservative religious and intellectual figures also condemned the letter, along with a spokesperson from the Taɓo faction. The NPN promptly capitalized on the situation, urging "people of goodwill" to "defend their traditional institutions".

Following the expulsion of several influential members from the PRP, the Santsi faction fragmented, due to issues like electoralism, a crisis of survival, and strategic conflicts. Abubakar Rimi joined Azikiwe's NPP, while Balarabe Musa attempted to reconcile with Aminu. Musa disclosed in a 2012 interview that Aminu's illness during this period left him "largely unaware of his surroundings," which was exploited by "some evil people around him." Musa also mentioned Aminu's intention to organise a reconciliation gathering at his house, but his deteriorating health prevented it, leading to his eventual passing.

In preparation for the 1983 presidential election, Aminu chose Bola Ogunbo as his running mate, the first time a woman ever held the position in the country. However, he died on 17 April 1983, several months before the election.

Death After suffering from a stroke as a result of a bout of cerebral malaria, Aminu Kano died on 17 April 1983 in his home in Kano. He was buried on the same day in his house. Since 2001, a commemorative lecture is held every year on the anniversary of his death at Mambayya House.

Legacy Aminu's influence continues to resonate in Nigerian politics long after his death. Many of his followers from his days in the PRP went on to become prominent figures in Nigerian politics, particularly during the Fourth Republic (1999—present). Notable among these politicians are Sule Lamido, who served as the Governor of Jigawa from 2007 to 2015 and, in honour of Aminu, built the Mallam Aminu Kano Triangle in Dutse; Ghali Umar Na'Abba, who held the position of Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives from 1999 to 2003; and most prominently, Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, who served as Nigeria's president from 2007 until his passing on 5 May 2010. Taken in Kano during the inauguration of Kwankwaso as Governor of Kano in 2011, this image shows his followers, known as the Kwankwasiyya. They adorn the red cap, white cloth, and black shoes, inspired by Aminu's signature look, which was later adopted by Kwankwaso. Perhaps the strongest sign of Aminu's ongoing influence on Nigerian politics can be seen in his home state of Kano. Politicians seeking the support of the talakawa often lay claim to being the 'successors of Aminu Kano,' with former Governor of Kano State and presidential aspirant Rabiu Kwankwaso being a notable example. While studying at the Kaduna College, he founded the Dramatic Society and wrote several plays in which he:...criticized the exploitation of the masses and challenged the system of emirates in northern Nigeria. In the play, Kai wane ne a kasuwar Kano da ba za a cuce ka ba? ('Whoever you might be, you will be cheated at Kano market') he depicted the exploitation of country people by heartless merchants, while in Karya Fure take ba ta ‘ya’ya ('A lie blooms but yields no fruit') he raised the problem of excessive taxes levied upon the Hausa rural population. In the years 1939—1941 Aminu Kano wrote around twenty short plays for the use of schools in which he ridiculed some of the outdated local customs as well as the activities of the Native Authority in the system of indirect colonial administration. In 1940, during the second annual general meeting of the Kaduna Old Boys Association (now Barewa Old Boys Association), a meeting where the alumni of the college "meet and have free discussions among themselves", Aminu, at the time still a student, staged his Kai wane ne a kasuwar Kano play for the KOBA attendees. According to Abubakar Imam, who was among the attendees, 'observers' viewed the play as "politically inspired, capable of doing more harm than good to the stability of the region, and more especially with a global war on". This led to the school's authorities refusing to host any future meetings and to associate with KOBA. Rousseau, Voltaire, and Tom Paine, attempting to adapt their works for a Hausa audience. He was particularly influential on Maitama Sule, one of Hausa cinema's early adopters. Sule mentioned attending Kaduna College after Aminu had graduated, recalling that almost all the plays he acted in were written by Aminu.

Reformist ideas Aminu Kano joined the Northern Elements Progressive Union as a political platform to challenge what he felt was the autocratic and feudalistic actions of the Native Northern Government. He geared his attack on the ruling elite including the emirs, who were mostly Fulanis. The potency of his platform was strengthened partly because of his background. His father was an acting Alkali in Kano who came from a lineage of Islamic clerics, Aminu Kano also brought up Islamic ideas on equity in his campaign trails during the first republic. Many talakawas (commoners) in Kano lined up behind his message and his political stature grew from the support of the Kano commoners and migratory petty traders in the north. Many of the tradesmen later manned the offices of NEPU. He also sought to use politics to create an egalitarian Northern Nigerian society.

Another major idea of his in the prelude to the first republic was the breakup of ethnically based parties. The idea was well received by his emerging support base of petty traders and craftsmen in towns along the rail track. The men and women were mostly migratory individuals searching for trade opportunities and had little ethnic similarities with their host communities. He also proposed a fiscal system that favors heavy taxation of the rich in the region and was notably one of the few leading Nigerian politicians that supported equal rights for women.

Mallam Aminu Kano is highly respected politician in Northern Nigeria. He symbolized democratization, women's empowerment and freedom of speech. An airport, a college and also a major street are also named after him in Kano. His house where he lived and died and buried has been converted to Centre for Democratic Research and Training under the Bayero University Kano.

Women's empowerment Aminu's deep concern for his mother and the societal constraints she faced led him to make women's empowerment a lifelong dedication. He refrained from having multiple wives, asserting that the Qur'an permitted a Muslim to marry up to four wives only if equal treatment was ensured, which he thought was impossible to achieve. He interpreted this as the Qur'an not advocating polygamy. A strong believer in education as a means of women's emancipation, he sponsored a school for women which convened at his home from 1952 until his death in 1983, offering courses in handicrafts, sewing, Hausa, and basic English literacy. During his two-year course at the Institute of Education, he wrote all his term papers on "The Problem of Girls' Education in Kano".

Throughout his political career, Aminu consistently challenged the exclusion of women from public life and formal political processes. He evoked Islamic concepts of "freedom," "jihad," and "justice" to advocate for women's empowerment, positioning it as a fundamental concern within his political party. Alongside his cousin Isa Wali, he championed this cause in the 1950s and 1960s, a stance that was relatively rare during that period. During the 1970s and 1980s, with the return to democracy in Nigeria, the People's Redemption Party (PRP), under his leadership, emerged as the only political party in Nigeria addressing this issue, and Aminu became closely associated with advocating for women's rights more than any other politician in the country. He argued that the Qur'an gave Muslims the right to "have a direct say in the affairs of the state or a representative chosen by him or her".

Had he participated in the 1983 Presidential election, his running mate would have been Mrs. Bola Ogunbo, which would have been the first time a Nigerian woman was nominated for high national office. He advocated for the greater involvement of women in public affairs, implementing large-scale education programs for women through his party PRP and appointed several women to public positions. In both the parties he led, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) from 1953 to 1966 and the PRP from 1978 to 1983, women were encouraged to engage politically. However, while these parties established women's wings and addressed issues concerning education and voting rights, they often stifled female members' attempts to independently confront wider issues. The women's wings, though present, did not lead reformative or revolutionary changes for women. the writings of Abdullahi dan Fodio, and some similar reformist movements in Nigeria, Aminu initiated the establishment of the first Islamiyya schools, aiming to reform and modernise Islamic education in Kano. To garner support, Aminu proposed the programme to influential mallamai in Kano, including Sheikh Na’ibi Suleiman Wali and Inuwa Wada. The first of these schools was established in the Sudawa ward of the city, which quickly rose in popularity with an initial enrollment of 30 students that soon grew to 60. Parents, especially those with young girls, favoured these schools as they focused on Islamic education while also incorporating aspects of Western education which was a viable alternative to not attending school at all.

An education officer inspected the schools and was impressed with the program, leading to its integration into the formal school system. Within a year, ten more Islamiyya schools were opened in major cities across Northern Nigeria, including Kano, Kaduna, and Jos. By 1958, there were approximately 60 such schools. Given that most support for these schools came from NEPU members, they became politicised and were occasionally targeted, even violently. Nevertheless, the popularity of these schools endured, particularly among female students.

Following Nigeria's independence in 1960, the Northern Government increased its support for Islamiyya schools. By the 1970s, primary school students "in addition to their primary studies attend an Islamiyya school fo several hours a day". Today, the majority of children in Northern Nigeria attend Islamiyya schools alongside traditional primary education.

Personal life

Family Aminu's first wife, Umma, was a divorcee from another marriage. Her family was 'royalty of sorts' and disapproved of her marriage to Aminu due to his 'open anti-royalty stance.' The marriage took place in Kano in 1939; however, they dissolved it once Aminu left for Kaduna College. Umma, who was against the dissolution, fled to Kaduna and remarried Aminu. Her family managed to convince the local Alkali to dissolve the marriage a second time after the couple returned to Kano for holidays. Shortly after her year-long relationship with Aminu ended, Umma fled to Ghana alone. British journalist and historian Basil Davidson, who Aminu described as his friend, characterized Aminu as "the Teacher, the Rebel, the Crusader-Politician, and the Statesman-Parliamentarian". Adding to Davidson's description, Aminu described himself during a speech at the Bayero University's Convocation Ceremony in 1982 as "a democratic humanist committed to elevating humanity and upholding the dignity of women".

Aminu was well known for his frugal lifestyle. Despite his ministerial position under Gowon, he primarily sustained himself through his "small farm holding" and occasional gifts from his friends.

Aminu's knowledge of Islam earned him the title of Mallam (a title reserved for learned men in Northern Nigeria). He was an expert in Islamic jurisprudence and tafsir, delivering widely popular lectures on these subjects, especially in Kano. His Qur'anic interpretations mainly focused on the Islamic principles of justice, the significance of education within Islam, and advocated for tolerance among the 'people of the book'—comprising Muslims, Christians, and Jews.