William O'Connell Bradley

William O'Connell Bradley (March 18, 1847 – May 23, 1914) was an American politician from the state of Kentucky. He served as the 32nd governor of Kentucky and was later elected by the state legislature as a U.S. senator from that state. The first Republican to serve as governor of Kentucky, Bradley became known as the father of the Republican Party in Kentucky.

As a Republican in a heavily Democratic state, Bradley found little success early in his political career. He was defeated for a seat in the United States House of Representatives and in the United States Senate twice each. After rising to national prominence as a "Stalwart Republican" with his speech seconding the presidential nomination of Ulysses S. Grant at the 1880 Republican National Convention, he was nominated for governor in 1887. Although he lost the contest to Simon Bolivar Buckner, he reduced the usual Democratic majority substantially. He was again nominated for governor in 1895. Capitalizing on divisions in the Democratic Party over the issue of free silver, he defeated Parker Watkins Hardin in the general election. His term was marked by political struggles and violence. He was an advocate for African Americans and did much to advance their status in the state, but was unable to enact much of his pro-civil rights agenda due to a hostile Democratic majority in the state legislature.

Republican William S. Taylor was elected to succeed Bradley in the contentious 1899 gubernatorial election. When Democratic nominee William Goebel and his running mate J. C. W. Beckham challenged the election results, Bradley formed part of the legal team for the Republicans. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court, which found in favor of the Democrats. Despite being a member of the state's minority party, Bradley was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1907. Again, divisions within the Democratic Party played a role in his election. Bradley's opposition to Prohibition made him more palatable to some Democrats than their candidate, outgoing Governor Beckham. Beckham refused to withdraw in favor of a compromise candidate, and after two months of balloting, four Democratic legislators crossed party lines and elected Bradley. Bradley had a largely undistinguished career in the Senate. On the day he announced he would not seek re-election to his Senate seat, he was involved in a streetcar accident. He died from his injuries on May 23, 1914.

Early life William O'Connell Bradley was born near Lancaster in Garrard County, Kentucky, on March 18, 1847. He was the youngest child of Robert McAfee and Nancy Ellen (Totten) Bradley. The couple also had six daughters, five of whom survived infancy, and one other son, who died as an infant. Bradley's sister, Catherine Virginia (Bradley) Morrow, married judge Thomas Z. Morrow, who made an unsuccessful run for the governorship of Kentucky in 1883; their son, Edwin P. Morrow, was elected the 40th governor of Kentucky in 1917. Both times, his father removed him from the service because of his young age. Despite having only a few months of service to his credit, he was referred to as "Colonel Bradley" by many for the rest of his life.

In 1861, Bradley became a page in the Kentucky House of Representatives.

On July 13, 1867, Bradley married Margaret Robertson Duncan, and subsequently converted from Baptist Christianity to Presbyterianism, his wife's faith. The couple had two children, George Robertson Bradley and Christine (Bradley) South.

Early political career Bradley's political career began in 1870, when he was elected prosecuting attorney of Garrard County. In 1875, his party honored him with a nomination to serve in the U.S. Senate, even though he was too young to legally qualify for the office. In his acceptance speech, Bradley implored Kentuckians to realize that the Civil War was over and to discontinue their practice of electing ex-Confederate Democrats to public office. His platform included proposals for education, implementing a high protective tariff, and developing the state's resources. He pointed out that, though Kentucky contained more coal than Pennsylvania, the state bought half of its coal from that state. Democratic mismanagement of the state's affairs had resulted in able, young Kentuckians leaving the state to seek their fortunes because of a lack of opportunity at home, Bradley lamented.

During the campaign, Buckner relied on party strength and personal popularity to give him an advantage over Bradley, a decidedly superior orator. In the only debate between the two, held at Grayson, Bradley attacked Democrats for creating "useless offices" such as railroad commissioners. He defended the Republican proposal of a highly protective tariff and advocated federal aid for education. When Buckner took the platform, he began by asking if Bradley had charged in an earlier speech that one of Buckner's speeches had been written by former governor J. Proctor Knott. Bradley acknowledged that he had heard that Knott had written the speech and that he (Bradley) had repeated this claim in one of his speeches. Buckner rebuked Bradley for circulating this "infamously false" charge, and withdrew his agreement to participate in any further joint debates. He then delivered a discourse attacking the protective tariff and federal aid for education.

True to his word, Buckner never again met Bradley in a joint debate. Rumors began to circulate that Buckner was afraid to meet Bradley in debate again, and Bradley did little to dispel these rumors. He was never found.

In 1888, Bradley's name was again put before the General Assembly as a candidate for the U.S. Senate, but he was defeated by James B. Beck by a vote of 94–31. Later that year, he received 103 of 832 votes for the Vice-Presidential nomination at the 1888 Republican National Convention, losing the nomination to Levi P. Morton. Upon the unsolicited recommendation of Senator Beck, President Benjamin Harrison nominated Bradley as Minister to Korea in 1889, but Bradley declined the nomination, opting to remain in Kentucky and pursue future political opportunities there. At their convention, the Republicans adopted a platform that was unequivocally in favor of the gold standard.

Democrats were divided on the monetary issue. Their eventual nominee, Parker Watkins Hardin, was known to be a free silver supporter, but he pledged to abide by whatever platform the convention adopted. That platform was ambiguous with regard to the gold and silver question; it praised President Grover Cleveland and his treasury secretary, native Kentuckian John G. Carlisle, both gold supporters, and endorsed the national Democratic platform of 1892. Most believed this meant the platform favored gold, although silverites like Ollie M. James contended that the 1892 platform favored silver. Consequently, most Democrats left the convention not knowing where their nominee would stand on the money question.

The campaign opened in Louisville on August 19, 1895. In his first address, Hardin came out squarely for free silver, ensuring the division of his party for the rest of the campaign. Bradley reprised much of his argument from the 1887 campaign against Buckner. He charged mismanagement of the state government by Democrats, citing Tate's defalcation as evidence. He also stressed Hardin's association with Tate; Hardin had been the state's attorney general when Tate absconded, and the two were known to be friends. He denounced free silver and again called for a high protective tariff. He blamed Democratic President Cleveland for the national depression.

In the third debate, held in Hopkinsville, Hardin countered Bradley's offensive against him on the money issue by charging that the election of a Republican would lead to "Negro domination" of the state. This put Bradley in a dilemma. If he refused to acknowledge African-Americans' influence on the party, he would lose their votes; if he acknowledged it, he would lose many white voters. Bradley attempted to ignore the racial question in Hopkinsville and during the next two debates, instead intensifying his criticism of Hardin on the money question and his association with Tate. In the sixth joint debate, held August 30 at Eminence, some members of the audience began to heckle Bradley, who was hoarse from previous debates. After attempting to restart his opening statement four times, Bradley left the platform, and the next day announced he would not participate in any further joint debates as a result of the incident. Many believed Bradley was looking for a reason to end the debates in order to dodge the racial question, and the incident at Eminence gave him the opportunity. Some black Republicans resented Bradley's attempt to dodge the racial question and encouraged fellow African Americans not to support Bradley but vote for Populist Thomas S. Pettit instead.

In the general election, Bradley carried the vote of many Gold Democrats. Democrats were also hurt by economic factors, including the national economic problems and a severe drought in the state. Bradley was elected the first Republican governor of Kentucky, defeating Hardin by a vote of 172,436 to 163,524. More votes than potential voters were registered in 18 counties, nine of which went for Bradley and nine for Hardin. During his term, Republicans controlled the Kentucky House of Representatives, while Democrats controlled the Kentucky Senate.

alt=A man in his forties with black hair and a bushy, black mustache. He is standing, facing right, and holding a can in his right hand, a hat in his left, and wearing a long black coat The election of a successor to Senator J. C. S. Blackburn dominated the first legislative session of Bradley's term. Many Democrats were anxious to return Senator J. C. S. Blackburn to his seat in Congress, but some were instead supporting ex-Governor John Y. Brown. On ballot after ballot, no candidate received a majority, though Blackburn received 65 votes once, leaving him just two votes shy of election.

Free silver Democrats challenged Hunter's naturalization. These same legislators also threatened to imprison Lieutenant Governor William Jackson Worthington, allowing Democratic President pro tem of the Senate William Goebel to become acting governor. A bill forbidding the employment of children of school age who had not attended at least twelve weeks of school during the year passed over Bradley's veto. The Republicans continued supporting Hunter, Free Silver Democrats still backed Blackburn, and Gold Democrats nominated businessman Henry L. Martin of Woodford County. Republicans nominated St. John Boyle, but the gridlock continued unabated. It further empowered peace officers to recruit able-bodied men to help protect prisoners and fined them for failing to do so, if necessary. In January 1898, Bradley accepted an invitation to speak before the Anti-Mob and Lynch Law Association in Springfield, Ohio.

One high-profile case that illustrated Bradley's opposition to racial violence was that of ex-slave George Dinning. After being emancipated, Dinning saved enough money to purchase a farm in Simpson County. On January 27, 1897, a mob of 25 armed white men came to Dinning's farm, accused him of stealing hogs and chickens, and demanded he leave the county within 10 days. Dinning denied being a thief and insisted several people in the county would vouch for his good character. The mob, enraged by Dinning's resistance, began firing on his house and wounded him twice. Dinning retrieved a gun from his house and fired into the mob, killing one man. The mob fled, and the next day, Dinning turned himself in to local officials. While he was in their custody, the mob returned to his farm, drove his family from their house, looted it, and razed it to the ground.

The Simpson County sheriff moved Dinning to Bowling Green and eventually to Louisville to prevent him from being lynched. Governor Bradley dispatched a squad of the state militia to protect him while his trial proceeded. Despite the fact that the case involved a black man killing a white man, most observers believed Dinning would be acquitted on grounds of self-defense. The jury, however, convicted Dinning of manslaughter and sentenced him to seven years of hard labor. Immediately, Bradley's office was flooded with requests for him to intervene on Dinning's behalf. The requests came from Black and white people, some of them ex-Confederates. Dinning's attorney, Augustus E. Willson, formally requested a pardon, and Bradley issued it 10 days after the conviction. Bradley opined that Dinning had acted reasonably under the circumstances and that it was a shame that no members of the mob were charged. After being freed, Dinning relocated to Indiana and hired ex-Confederate Bennett H. Young to file a federal lawsuit against some members of the mob that had identified themselves during his trial. The trial was held in Louisville, and Dinning was awarded $50,000 in damages.

In his address to the state legislature in January 1898, Bradley advocated the repeal of the state's Separate Coach Law, which provided separate streetcars for white and Black people. He appointed substantial numbers of African-Americans to patronage positions in government beyond the janitorial jobs they usually received. He named Edward E. Underwood as the first black person on the board of trustees for Kentucky State College (later the University of Kentucky). Because of his devotion to black advancement, Bradley was the only white person included in William Decker Johnson's 1897 compilation Biographical Sketches of Prominent Negro Men and Women of Kentucky.

Other matters of Bradley's term The election of Republican president William McKinley in 1896 deepened the Democrats' resolve to oppose the Republican governor and his allies. Bradley's message to the General Assembly in 1898 called for numerous reforms including spending cuts to reduce government waste, putting the state's charitable institutions under control of a non-partisan board, and reforms to public education and the legal system.

The legislature largely ignored the governor's message in favor of partisan concerns. A pure food and drug law was enacted without his signature. Both houses passed a resolution calling for the resignation of Senator William Lindsay, a Gold Democrat who did not support William Jennings Bryan's presidential bid, on grounds that he no longer represented the interests of his party. Instead of addressing Bradley's concerns, the General Assembly passed a "ripper bill" taking control of the mansion from the governor and putting it under the supervision of the Court of Appeals. On February 10, 1899, the mansion caught fire as a result of a faulty flue in the governor's bedroom. The day was so cold that the firemen had difficulty keeping the water in their hoses unfrozen, and the mansion suffered extensive damage. Though the mansion was insured and a reporter for the Courier-Journal opined that the sensible thing to do would be to demolish the old structure and construct a new one or purchase another house in Frankfort to serve as the governor's mansion, the legislature was disinclined to make more than minimal accommodations for a Republican governor. Consequently, the mansion was once again repaired. The Bradleys stayed with a neighbor in Frankfort immediately after the fire. Thereafter, Governor Bradley stayed in Frankfort's Capitol Hotel, while Mrs. Bradley and daughter Christine returned to the family's home in Lancaster. The family re-occupied the residence prior to the end of Bradley's term.

Bradley struggled to end violent feuds that continued in the eastern part of the state. During his term, the so-called "Tollgate Wars" were ongoing. In many rural areas that could not afford to build good roads, private companies had built the roads and attempted to recover the costs and turn a profit by charging tolls. Poor residents of the areas, however, maintained that the tolls were excessive, especially in light of the national depression. They began to call for "free roads", but their calls went unheeded by the state and national governments. Many then resorted to violence, burning toll houses and threatening and attacking toll collectors. Bradley called for harsh action against this lawlessness, but the Democratic General Assembly, sympathetic to the plight of the poor residents of the state, refused to act. By the end of Bradley's term, most of the violence had ended, as companies sold their stock to local groups or simply abandoned their roads due to the violence.

Kentucky's four infantry regiments and two cavalry units that served in the Spanish–American War were beset by poor sanitation and disease in the army camps where they were stationed. The units saw little action in the war, but 84 men died as a result of the poor conditions. When the time came for the troops to return home, Bradley found that the state had no money to pay for the hospital trains needed for their trip. Bradley personally borrowed money from a bank to secure their passage, and trusted that the General Assembly would reimburse him.

Goebel Election Law; gubernatorial election of 1899

On February 1, 1898, Senate President Pro Tem William Goebel sponsored a measure later referred to as the Goebel Election Law. The bill created a Board of Election Commissioners, appointed by the General Assembly, who were responsible for choosing election commissioners in all of Kentucky's counties. Because the General Assembly was heavily Democratic and Goebel was considered a likely Democratic aspirant for the governorship in the 1899 election, the bill was attacked as blatantly partisan and self-serving, even by some Democrats. Nevertheless, Goebel was able to hold enough members of his party together to override Bradley's veto, making the bill law.

alt=A man in his late forties with black hair and a mustache. He is wearing a tightly buttoned black coat and facing left. William S. Taylor was the Republican nominee to succeed Bradley. As Bradley's term drew to a close, potential Republican candidates to succeed him were initially few. Some saw Kentucky's 18,000-vote plurality for William Jennings Bryan in the 1896 presidential election as a sure sign that the state would vote Democratic in 1899. Others were not interested in being on the defensive against the inevitable Democratic attacks on Bradley's administration. Still others were intimidated by the prospect of being defeated by the machinery of the Goebel Election Law. Sitting attorney general William S. Taylor was the first to announce his candidacy and soon secured the support of Senator Deboe. Later candidates included Hopkins County judge Clifton J. Pratt and sitting state auditor Sam H. Stone. Angry that his party had not more seriously considered his candidate, Bradley did not attend. Black leaders in the party threatened to follow Bradley and organize their own nominating convention, as they believed Taylor represented the "lily-white" branch of the party. Taylor attempted to hold the party together by making one of the black leaders permanent secretary of the convention and promising to appoint other black leaders to his cabinet if elected. He also tried to bring Bradley back to the convention by promising to nominate Bradley's nephew, Edwin P. Morrow, for secretary of state. Bradley refused the offer.

Bradley had initially been cool toward Taylor, but he agreed to tour the state with Republican leader Augustus E. Willson after Goebel, the eventual Democratic nominee, made a similar tour with William Jennings Bryan, who was wildly popular in the state. Although he insisted he only wanted to defend his administration from Democratic attacks, Henry Watterson suggested that Bradley was seeking to enlist Taylor's support for his anticipated senatorial bid. Bradley began his tour of the state in Louisville, charging that Democrats had to import an orator for their candidate because all of the state's best men had deserted him. He also encouraged African American people not to desert the Republican Party. He contrasted his appointments of African American people to his cabinet with the Democrats' support of the Separate Coach Bill. Throughout his speech, Bradley defended his administration and never once mentioned Taylor. Finally, he closed with the line "And go to the polls and elect Taylor!" As Bradley exited the stage, Willson whispered to him, "Bradley, that's the slickest thing you ever did in your life."

As the campaign drew to a close, both Republicans and Democrats warned of the possibility that electoral fraud and violence would be perpetrated by the other side. Louisville mayor Charles P. Weaver, a Goebel Democrat, added 500 men to the city's police force just before the election, leading to charges that voter intimidation would occur in that city. Bradley countered by ordering the state militia to be ready to quell any disturbances across the state. On election day, the headline of the Courier-Journal proclaimed "Bayonet Rule".

For all the claims about the potential for violence, election day, November 7, remained mostly calm across the state. Fewer than a dozen people were arrested statewide. The board's majority opinion claimed that they did not have any judicial power and were thus unable to hear proof or swear witnesses, leaving them without grounds to invalidate any votes. Taylor was inaugurated on December 12, 1899. All the candidates for the state's minor offices contested as well. Bradley and his colleague Augustus Willson formed part of the legal team that represented the Republicans before the General Assembly and in court, where they challenged the legality of the Goebel Election Law and, later, the actions of the General Assembly's contest committee.

Republicans around the state expected the General Assembly's contest committee to recommend disqualification of enough ballots to make Goebel governor. Armed men from eastern Kentucky filled the capital, awaiting the contest committee's findings. On the morning of January 30, as Goebel and two friends walked toward the capitol building, a shot rang out, and Goebel fell wounded. He was taken to a nearby hotel to be treated for his wounds. As expected, the contest committee recommended invalidating enough votes to make Goebel governor, and the General Assembly voted to certify the recommendation. Goebel was sworn in as governor, but he died on February 3. Beckham then took the oath of office and continued the legal challenge against Taylor and his lieutenant governor, John Marshall.

In federal court, Bradley argued on behalf of the Republican minor officers that the Goebel Election Law deprived citizens of their right to vote. The right to vote, he claimed, was inherent in the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of "liberty", and could not be taken from any citizen without due process. Federal judge William Howard Taft ruled that the Republicans would have to seek remedy in the state courts. After a protracted legal battle, all of the minor officers were unseated except Attorney General Clifton J. Pratt.

The cases of Taylor and Marshall were appealed to the Kentucky Court of Appeals, then to the Supreme Court of the United States. In the case of Taylor v. Beckham, Bradley countered Democrats' claims that the federal courts should not have jurisdiction by citing Thayer v. Boyd, a similar case in which the court had assumed jurisdiction. He further quoted authorities who opined that an elected office was property, using this to contend that Taylor's rights under the Fourteenth Amendment had been violated, thus giving the court jurisdiction. Also, Bradley asserted, the election of some members of the General Assembly's contest committee would hinge on the decision of that very committee. At least one member of the committee was known to have wagered on the election's outcome. These facts should have nullified the decision of the committee and the Assembly on the grounds that it had left some members as judges of their own cases, Bradley argued. Finally, Bradley cited irregularities in the proceedings of the contest committee, including giving insufficient time for the review of testimony provided in written form by Taylor and Marshall's legal representation. The court refused to intervene in the case, however, because it found that there were no federal questions involved. The lone justice dissenting from that opinion was Kentuckian John Marshall Harlan.

Later life and death On a joint ballot of the General Assembly in 1900, Bradley was defeated for a seat in the U.S. Senate by a vote of 75–54. After the unseating of Taylor, the state Republican party split into factions, with Godfrey Hunter at the head of one and Bradley at the head of the other. The two factions formed a tentative alliance to nominate Danville law professor John W. Yerkes in the special election called after Goebel's assassination, but Yerkes lost to Democratic nominee J. C. W. Beckham.

Career in the Senate

In 1907, Republicans nominated Willson for governor, and he was elected. Instead, they voted for other candidates, leaving no one with a majority.

In the 1908 presidential election, Bradley supported Charles W. Fairbanks for the Republican nomination, while Willson favored William Howard Taft. Disharmony marred the state nominating convention, and despite being a newly minted senator, Bradley was not chosen as a delegate to the Republican National Convention. This infuriated Bradley and ended his alliance with Willson. In the 1911 Republican nominating convention, Bradley did not support Edward C. O'Rear, the party's eventual gubernatorial nominee. He did little to support O'Rear in the general election, and former governor James B. McCreary was elected.

On May 14, 1914, Bradley announced his intent to retire from politics upon the completion of his term, owing to the decline of his general health. Hurrying to board a streetcar following his announcement, Bradley suffered a serious fall, sustaining two broken fingers, head trauma, and internal injuries. After briefly attempting to return to his duties, he became bedfast, and died on May 23, 1914. His official cause of death was listed as uraemia. Upon Bradley's death, both houses of Congress passed resolutions expressing their sympathy, and promptly adjourned out of respect. His body was returned to Frankfort for burial, but in accordance with the wishes of Bradley and his family, did not lie in state. He was buried in the state cemetery in Frankfort.