Robert Lusk

Robert Adam Holliday Lusk (March 8, 1781 – December 14, 1845) was a Reformed Presbyterian or Covenanter minister of the strictest sort, in a century which, according to Presbyterian historian Robert E. Thompson, was marked by increasing relaxation into less stringent manifestations of doctrine and practice amongst all branches of Presbyterianism. His career crossed paths with many prominent ministers and he was involved in numerous ecclesiastical courts at pivotal moments in the history of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. Amongst Reformed Presbyterians, he was an "Old Light," and amongst "Old Lights," he would lay claim to be an "Original Covenanter." He was descended from a long line of Scotch-Irish, and the Lusks had fled from Scotland to Ireland, escaping religious persecution; many of them settled in America prior to the American Revolutionary War.

Early life and education

Robert Lusk was born near the city of Derry, Ireland, to William Lusk and Elizabeth Holliday, on March 8, 1781. He was the youngest of five children. He emigrated to America, in 1792, with his parents, shortly before the Irish Rebellion of 1798. They settled in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania.

In 1804, he began to attend the Academy of Greensburgh, Pennsylvania, which prepared him for his course of study. After this, he entered Jefferson College, located in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania. The choice seemed quite natural for someone reared in a dissenting Presbyterian tradition. The College boasted an impressive number of graduates occupying ministerial connections in dissenting bodies, including Reformed Presbyterians, James R. Willson and James Milligan. There he studied mathematics and Natural philosophy with Samuel Miller, A.M.; languages and Moral philosophy with James Dunlap and, there, he began his theological matriculations under John McMillan, one of the founders of the school. He had earned the degree of A.B. Lusk needed no exception; his course of study commenced immediately following his graduation from Jefferson College.

Prof. Samuel B. Wylie reports to Synod, in 1812, that Lusk had already attended his studies for two years. Furthermore, he had completed the "proper literature of the institution, and was prepared to enter the third class; agreeably to the constitution of the seminary."

Ministerial trials and licensing to preach

In 1814, Lusk, along with three other classmates, Jonathan Gill, Samuel Robinson and Robert Wallace, was requested by Synod to deliver a discourse, "in relation to systematic and polemical theology." Additionally, each received a theological examination with respect to "the analogy of faith, pursuing the plan laid down in the testimony of the Church." On May 12, Middle Presbytery reported their action licensing Lusk to preach and delivered him back up to Synod for disposal. Synod instructed Lusk to move expeditiously to the Northern Presbytery. The committee was appointed to inquire into the "propriety of redeeming" the decade old pledge of Synod to complete the argumentative defence "for truth and against errors and immoral practices." This was to form the third part of the testimony of the Church. Lusk was given the assignment to write critically on the "ecclesiastical system" of Methodism. At the close of Synod, he was requested to preach the opening sermon, on the substitutionary nature of Christ's sufferings, at the next meeting of Synod, to be held in 1821 at Samuel B. Wylie's church in Philadelphia. It must have been a pleasing performance; Synod requested he revise and submit a copy of the sermon to them, presumably for future publication.

Beginning of controversies In the midst of the Synodic meeting, the Philadelphia Presbytery presented a reference and documents which, then, were referred to the committee on Order and Discipline. It was a case carried up from the session of Conococheague. The next day, October 23, after review, Synod found no warrant for interference in the case. Nonetheless, they did find it advisable to inform the Philadelphia Presbytery that the moderator of any session has a duty to put forth any motion regularly submitted for sessional consideration. This, they instructed, was a matter of Presbyterian order. If the moderator had any reason to object, he may do so by appeal to a superior church court. A few days after, on the morning of October 23. Samuel B. Wylie tactically "requested an extrajudicial meeting of members at his house when they would adjourn at noon." They met, and two questions were put to each of the several members. The first asked whether or not a new edition of Reformation Principles Exhibited, the Testimony of the church, be published. All were in agreement respecting its desideratum. The second question asked whether the earlier Acts of the church which prohibited swearing oaths before magistrates and sitting on juries ought to be left out of the new edition. These questions were beginning to agitate amongst those in the ministry and the Church was of two minds on these matters. At Wylie's house, no reasons were admitted in answer to the query. Only Gilbert McMaster, James Milligan and Lusk opposed the measure. Indeed, in Reformation Principles Exhibited, published in 1807, the Reformed Presbytery had declared that, "Jurors are executive officers created by the constitution." Additionally, they noted, "The juror voluntarily places himself upon oath, under the direction of a law which is immoral." They concluded, "The Reformed Presbytery declare this practice inconsistent with their Testimony, and warn Church-members against serving on juries under the direction off the constituted courts of law." The rule against "occasional hearing" was enforced and, perhaps, Methodism being a subject somewhat familiar to Lusk, the women were "severely admonished." (emphasis added) After all, this left him a widower with two young daughters and responsibilities that required a lot of travel away from home. This, exasperated by "monetary difficulties," led to tensions within the congregation. These tensions are apparent at the opening of the Synod, in 1823. John Steele, a ruling elder, from the Conococheague congregation presented himself and desired to be seated. Lusk questioned the legality of his certificate, which was issued by the local session and signed by its clerk, ruling elder John Thomson. It was required for being a delegate to Synod. Lusk noted that the certificate lacked a copy of the protest against John Steele being sent as a delegate which was lodged by the moderator of the session. Since it was the usual role for the pastor to assume the position of moderator in the local session, Lusk is complaining that the congregation has sent John Steele as a delegate over his clearly stated objections. Lusk then presented his protest to the court of Synod and was overturned. John Steele, as a ruling elder, was seated.

Two ministerial opportunities arise

As Synod proceeded, Lusk was assigned to the committee on the Signs of the Times, a committee entrusted with drafting causes of fasting and causes of thanksgiving. His ministry was successful and the congregation grew, eventually erecting a log meeting house.

Shortly, after Lusk's installation as pastor, his medical skills and hospitality became the occasion for the charges that would lead to his first expulsion from the ministry by the Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America. A member of the Walnut Ridge congregation had fallen ill. Lusk took him into his house, tended to his illness, thus offering room and board together with medical care, during the man's protracted illness. After his recovery, in seeming gratitude and recompense, the man engaged in the clearing of some of Lusk's farm. On August 5, papers were recorded from Walnut Ridge, Princeton, Indiana, and South Carolina. These were referred to the committee on Discipline and pertained to the question of the "jury law." It was also reported that, in the Synod of 1831, there was no little controversy surrounding the attempt of the Philadelphia Presbytery to pack the court. They showed up displaying total disregard for the delegate system established and proceeded to try to get all of their members seated in Synod. After much heated exchange, they failed to accomplish their designs.

From the standpoint of Presbyterian procedure, the Synod had admitted that Lusk was right to raise his concerns. From the standpoint of Presbyterian law, the Synod of 1825 had violated the trust of the delegate system established by the Presbyteries and its organization was, therefore, at best, questionable; at worst, Lusk was right, it was a nullity.

Suspension and deposition

On August 10, 1825, the final day of the Synod, the matter concerning Lusk was again taken up. At this point, the court declared that Lusk had been "notorious" in his pursuit of "a disorderly course, in violation of the obligations by which he was bound to promote the edification and unity of this church, which has issued in his renouncing the authority of this Court, in contradiction to his ordination vows."

Re-application, review and restoration to the ministry of the Reformed Presbyterian Church

"Wilderness" obscurity

Lusk remained in the vicinity of Walnut Ridge, on his farm, living "for some years in comparative obscurity...under an act of suspension by General Synod in New York city in 1825." Early in the day, on October 7, Lusk was assigned to the committee on the Signs of the Times, a committee designed to call attention to the current state of religion in both church and society. Since the time the McFarland case had been referred to the Western Subordinate Synod, John B. Johnston had been circulating letters throughout the Ohio Presbytery casting his fellow presbyters in an unflattering light. He had been so successful that another minister, Samuel McKinney along with several elders, made it clear that they intended to do something about it. It was rumored that they intended to ordain McFarland at the next meeting of Presbytery, in September, 1837. With this rumor circulating, and McFarland's attendant refusal to answer the court, the Presbytery held in April passed a resolution declaring the forfeiture of McFarland's licensure previously issued by the court. The complicity of the Western Subordinate Synod, in this "illegal act," did not go unnoticed by Steele or Lusk. Lusk was not present, but he sent a "letter," in reality, a petition, for their consideration. It was received and numbered "1." Upon reading the letter/petition, it was referred to a special committee. The committee was composed of James Milligan, Samuel M. Willson, and William Cowan, Sr., a ruling elder. Upon motion, David Steele was added.

The next day, the committee reported on the letter. The report was "accepted, amended and adopted."

The gathering issues and the definitive moment

Years between Synods were proving to be fertile times for sowing more seeds of dissention. The period between the Synods of 1838 and 1840 would be no different.

Ohio Presbytery, the 1839 memorial and the 1840 choice of delegates

"Voluntary associations"

The issue of "voluntary associations" was still live. At the Fall meeting of Presbytery, October 28, 1839, the committee appointed to study the "Brush Creek memorial" regarding "voluntary associations" was called to report. They began by noting, "the Church of Christ in regarding her own doctrines and order, is to be instrumental in the hand of her blessed Lord to effect moral reform and bless the earth with peace ; and that all confederacies, separate from her in organization, affecting to perform her exclusive work and obtain her appropriate object, are unauthorized by her glorious Head, form no part of the profession of her faith, nor exemplify the sanctified exercise of the constitutional powers of her members, and immoral, as a way or means, however otherwise desirable the object." Then, they proposed the following resolutions be adopted by the Presbytery:

1. That members of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, unnecessarily familiar, confederate, or holding visible communion with the infidel or the heretic, is a violation of plighted faith and solemn covenant engagements.

2. That such confederacy is contrary to the authority and word of God.

3. That it is opposed to the approved practice of the Church; and—

4. That it does not manifest the intelligent and sanctified activity of the sensibilities or affections of the heart and the powers of the mind ;—all the active principles of the rational and accountable creature.

The committee was composed of Lusk and Robert Wallace, his former seminary classmate. Presbytery asked that these resolutions be inserted in the Reformed Presbyterian magazine, but Moses Roney, the editor, did not comply. Steele responded with the information needed to verify. Sproull published the response but remained unsatisfied with the imputation of motives. Whatever the motive, Lusk would not be a delegate, but he would be present for the confrontation.

Synod of 1840 The Synod of 1840 met in Allegheny, Pennsylvania, in June. The delegation from the Ohio Presbytery consisted in Robert Wallace, John Wallace and David Steele, ministers; and William McKinley, John Jamison and William Wylie, ruling elders. On motion, Lusk was added as a consultavive member. As Steele notes, "By a rule in all ecclesiastical courts, such a member has no vote, nor can he make or second a motion; but he is allowed to participate in the discussions."

After the close of Synod, which Steele describes as, "public, irregular and unpresbyterial transactions," several of those in the minority gathered together. Mr. Francis Gailey presented himself to the court as a representative of the "Safety League." His credentials were sustained by the court.

Ecclesiastical relations considered

At this meeting, Lusk and ruling elders Nathan Johnston and Thomas Steele were appointed to form a committee to report on "our ecclesiastical relations." On June 3, the initial report was read and commented upon.

A petition was presented from William Thompson and others, Mercer County, Pennsylvania. In it, they express grief that "a majority" of the members of the "Reformed Presbyterian Covenanted Church" had made defection from the truth and abandoned covenanted attainments, as well as changing the "terms of communion." They were seeking ministry and hoped to be organized into a congregation. A committee, composed of Lusk, Nathan Johnston and Matthew Mitchell, was appointed to report on the petition. The committee assigned to report on the petition from Mercer County, Pennsylvania reported that they had met in the town of Mercer, on May 19, 1842. Whilst there, Lusk and one of the ruling elders had constituted a session. The first paper that came before the Presbytery was a "petition and memorial." It was submitted on behalf of the Miami, Logan County, Ohio, session and congregation. It sought to have the term "Testimony" "restored to its former use in the church." That was intended, among other uses, to facilitate "renewal of the covenants as soon as practicable." The papers being read, Lusk, and ruling elders, Thomas Ralston and Thomas Steele were appointed to a committee to report on the first paper. It was a request that Presbytery formally acknowledge the "Historical part of the Testimony." The morning of the following day, October 24, Lusk's committee on causes of fasting and thanksgiving was called to report. In began with the solemn reminder that everyone "should constantly bear in mind his accountability for the deeds done in the body; that after death the judgment." The actions of men carry eternal consequences. More to the point, "from the concurrence of prophecy and providential developments, in the times wherein we live," it had become apparent that comparatively few "of the professors of religion, are redeemed from the earth of anti-christianism." Then, there follows an enumeration of the sins of the day. On June 3, David Steele assumed the moderator's chair. The business before the court centered on the increasing concern about the "sentiments in the American Testimony [i.e., Reformation Principles Exhibited] contrary to other standards of the church." Although this group would later be denominated "Steelites" (likely due to the longevity of the junior member of Presbytery), at the time of their inception they were nearly designated as "Luskites." One anonymous contributor to the Reformed Presbyterian magazine wondered if the "new system shall not be known hereafter by the name of Luskism."

Publications His publications, though few, were marked by a careful and scholarly attention to sacred prophecy and its connection with the events of Divine Providence. In 1843, he published "Characteristics of the Witnessing Church," and "Characteristics of Surrounding Communities," in the Contending Witness, a magazine edited for the Presbytery by David Steele. He also published An Abstract of Grievances, &c., published in New York, in 1825, likely immediately after his "declinature" and may be the "communications" he said he had to make, when departing Synod, the morning of August 9, 1825. There was also printed, sometime around 1825, in Salem, Indiana, a publication entitled, Lusk's Prospectus, which also has bearing on his early clashes with Synod.