José Núñez de Cáceres

José Núñez de Cáceres y Albor (March 14, 1772 – September 11, 1846 ) was a Dominican revolutionary and writer. Known for being the leader of the first Dominican independence movement against Spain in 1821, his actions preceded the Dominican War of Independence.

Before its independence, while Spain exercised a perfunctory rule over the east side of Hispaniola, Núñez de Cáceres pioneered the use of literature as a weapon for social protest and anti-colonial politics. He was also the first Dominican fabulist and one of the first criollo storytellers in Spanish America. Many of his works appeared in his own satirical newspaper, El Duende, the second newspaper created in Santo Domingo. He was only president of the short-lived Republic of Spanish Haiti, which existed from December 1, 1821, to February 9, 1822. This period was known as the ephemeral independence because it quickly ended with the Haitian Military Occupation of Santo Domingo.

Early years José Núñez de Cáceres Albor was born on March 14, 1772, in the capital city of Santo Domingo. He was the son of 2nd Lt. Francisco Núñez de Cáceres and María Albor Polanco. His mother died a few days after his birth.

In those years, an unfavorable state of opinion regarding Spain emerged, due to absolutism and the lack of metropolitan attention to the fate of the colony. The Creoles felt left out in the face of the favoritism enjoyed by officials coming from the metropolis and the possessions of the Caribbean. The privilege that was granted to high-born families, who had been in solidarity with French domination, also caused resentment among the former combatants of the Reconquista. Núñez de Cáceres was influenced by this current of opinion and, from his bureaucratic position, he began to operate as a representative of local interests, a supporter of liberal orientations. Historian José Gabriel García collects the version that, shortly after returning, the calamitous state of the colony led him to consider the relevance of the break with Spain, to the point of having dared to suggest to the leader of the Reconquista that he join that position. This may not prove that Núñez de Cáceres, a cautious official, took such a risky step, but it seems certain that his liberal spirit led him to a progressive distance from the metropolis.

The struggle for independence As War Auditor, he was responsible for ensuring the security of the State, which is why he followed up on the processes initiated against various conspirators, among which those of the Italian Revolution stood out. Tradition relates that he interceded with Governor Sánchez Ramírez so that the penalties were moderate, but his advice was ignored. The truth is that at the time he had to prepare the files, he advocated for severe punishments, which in the case of the four arrested ringleaders were capital punishment. It is certain that Núñez de Cáceres did not share such a terrible decision, but he was forced to accept it as part of his obligations. Tradition also relates that he had frequent disagreements on other matters with the governor, although they did not tarnish the cordiality of their relations.

As part of the assumption of Creole interests, Núñez de Cáceres established links with some of the leaders of the anti-French war and with intellectual figures. Its predominance in the intellectual order moved to the political aspect. At home, during the nights, a gathering was regularly held, in which the need for independence crept in. Núñez de Cáceres was a carrier of this position, although he apparently expressed it carefully. The cultural protagonism that he exercised had its first manifestation in the reopening of the university in 1815. As this provision was a product of his initiative, the faculty elected him rector. Although it did not return to its existing level until 1795, the entity played an important cultural role in the development of a libertarian spirit. From its midst came proposals aimed at the establishment of a liberal regime. The incipient modern intellectuality began to express itself from the professorship, a movement in which, in addition to Núñez de Cáceres, figures such as Andrés López de Medrano and Bernardo Correa y Cidrón took part.

Shift in political ideology As Spanish rule in Santo Domingo became more unstable, other colonies in Latin America were already in preparation to break away from the Spanish Empire. The wars of independence in South America would have a great influence in Núñez de Cáceres's desire for the independence of Santo Domingo. In 1812, Núñez de Caceres began to shift his views on the colonial status of the territories in Spanish America. The freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of 1812 made it easier for Núñez de Cáceres to advance his independence goals. Two circumstances were added that favored them, since they gave rise to a growing loss of credibility in Spain. The first was the administration's inability to overcome the economic crisis that the country had been suffering since the reestablishment of Spanish sovereignty. This state of affairs renewed the agitation due to the advance of the independence troops from South America, led by Simón Bolívar. For years before, the country's coasts were frequented by South American corsairs who dedicated themselves to propagating libertarian ideas among the Dominicans. Other means were presented so that people of cultural level could learn about the motivations that encouraged the Creoles of South America to rebel against the metropolis. This was, for example, what happened in 1817, when a convoy of ships carrying political prisoners to Spain passed through the port of Santo Domingo. Some passengers managed to deliver copies of a work that dealt with the condition of the Spanish colonies and the causes of the emancipation struggle.

There were, however, indications that since mid-1821, precisely while he was editing El Duende, Núñez de Cáceres began to prepare the coup d'état to overthrow Spanish rule. To this end, he expanded the circle of contacts, taking advantage of the impunity that his status as an official in the colonial administration afforded him. But he plotted with great care, since the governor was alert after a denunciation suffered by one of Núñez de Cáceres's associates, Antonio Martínez Valdés, a member of the Provincial Council. The matter had no major significance because the affected person denied the veracity of the complaint and proceeded to subject the informant to judicial persecution. In November 1821, a new factor entered the scene in the crisis that afflicted the Spanish regime. Since the 8th of that month, insurrectional movements broke out in towns near the border, especially Dajabón and Monte Cristi. Núñez de Cáceres established a provisional government, of which he was the President, and provided a Constitution that enshrined slavery even though it was considered unacceptable at the time.

Republic of Spanish Haiti President of the new republic The legal means that Núñez de Cáceres used to give legitimacy to independence was to relate it to Bolívar's project of a unified State of a part of the former Spanish possessions, Gran Colombia. For this reason, the nascent system adopted the name of the Independent State of Spanish Haiti, and was considered an integral part of Greater Colombia. It is not to be doubted that Núñez de Cáceres and his companions agreed with Bolívar's project of a suprastate that would make ancient Spanish America an international power capable of competing with the United States and preventing any future attempt at absorption by another power. But there was also the factor that the population, not ideologically prepared for independent life, felt protected by a strange power. Even more important must have been that, eventually, Núñez de Cáceres calculated that Boyer would not venture to invade Santo Domingo for fear of possible retaliation from Gran Colombia. He did not take into account that Bolívar was focused on his military campaign and that Santo Domingo did not represent anything important within his project.

It is symptomatic that the Independent State of Spanish Haiti became the continuation of the same Provincial Council established in accordance with the Spanish constitution. Only one of the members of the Provincial Council, José Basora, a large landowner, refused to join the independent regime. Along with Núñez de Cáceres, people linked to the Spanish administration came to form the Provisional Board of the new State, some of them possessed of an intellectual level, such as Juan Vicente Moscoso, Juan Nepomuceno de Arredondo, Juan Ruiz, Antonio Martínez Valdés and Vicente Mancebo, to whom were added Manuel López de Umeres, as secretary, and Manuel Carvajal as captain general, second figure in the hierarchical order and responsible for the troops. As president of the Board, Núñez de Cáceres identified the Executive Branch with his person, apart from which he was recognized as the ideological mentor of the regime. Núñez de Cáceres ran as a representative of the leading Creole circles in the risky step of creating a State. He had to face contradictory terms. He tried to give it a liberal content as a means of gaining legitimacy among the people and contributing to the start of a modern style of progress that would leave behind what for him constituted a colonial order plagued by ignominy and oppression. The central argument of the Declaration of Independence of the Dominican people, written by him, was aimed at demonstrating the irreducible opposition between the meanness of the metropolis and the happiness of the inhabitants of America. On behalf of the population as a whole, in reality the particular interest of the elevated Creole circles that had become aware of how harmful the continuation of Spanish rule was taking shape. As in South America, a fraction of the Creole elite sought to remain in power and, in the process, resolve old conflicts with the metropolis.

Núñez de Cáceres operated as a representative of a leading social sector, but at the same time, he tried to give the new order the most popular profile possible, as long as the interests of the higher sectors were not affected, nor could it lead to difficult oppositions to deal with in delicate circumstances. The most controversial aspect of that first Dominican State was the maintenance of servitude, which came into conflict with a claim widely shared between free blacks and slaves. Núñez de Cáceres and the majority of his comrades, in accordance with their liberal position, aspired to abolish slavery, which is why he himself granted letters of manumission to all his slaves in the following days. But, at the same time, he declared that he would not incur the responsibility of condemning to misery respectable people whose only wealth resided in their slaves. The dilemma must have been dramatic, since, as an enlightened man, he must have been aware of the need for a republican system to put an end to the disgrace of serfdom; Conversely, he was forced to accept the immediate interest of the members of his social sector, thereby ruining the possibility of the new order gaining the legitimacy that would allow it to resist Boyer's foreseeable attempt. At most, the ephemeral regime vaguely stated the purpose of gradually reducing the number of slaves through a special fund that would allow their value to be paid to the owners. In the dire conditions that the public treasury was going through, this procedure lacked any viability.

Constitution of 1821 The guidelines of the new order were expressed, also thanks to the pen of Núñez de Cáceres, in the Constitutional Act, a document of 39 articles that declared the institutional features and regulatory purposes of the nascent State. The republican system was based on a system of representation through the division of the territory into five parties. A division of powers was carried out in accordance with which the president of the Board was identified with the Executive, and the Board with the Legislative Branch. In the same way, the bases for an autonomous municipal order were laid out, although the profiles of the existing one were preserved. Guarantees were granted for the exercise of freedoms, specifically those that were of interest at the time, such as the freedom of the press. The judicial system was also organized, granting it the highest possible levels of autonomy; As long as new legislation was not expressly enacted, the existing legislation remained in force. The granting of citizenship to all free people was postulated, including those born abroad, regardless of skin color, country of origin and religious beliefs, for which the status of citizens was recognized for those who had been residing in the country for three years. country or were married to a native of Santo Domingo. Now, in the event that someone chose to maintain Spanish citizenship, they had to be expelled from any government job.

It can be seen that the constitutional guidelines sought to combine a sense of continuity of power with an openness towards liberal principles and denials of Hispanic autocracy. In this sense, measures such as the abolition of military jurisdiction and the commitment to guarantees for the integrity of the person are considerable. The same constitutional statute stipulated that a delegate would be sent to Gran Colombia in order to formalize integration into that State. Antonio María Pineda, who had been director of the first newspaper in the country, received a commission for this. His mission was unsuccessful, since Bolívar was far from Bogotá and only came to learn of the creation of the State of Spanish Haiti when it had ceased to exist. In a letter sent to Santander, in charge of the government in Bogotá, Bolívar limited himself to ambiguously suggesting that attention should be paid to those who had expressed solidarity with Gran Colombia; but he also introduced a dark cloud in his reflection, by indicating that control over Santo Domingo could be used to benefit some future diplomatic negotiations. Whether it was due to the disinterest of the South American independentists or because they were very far from Santo Domingo, Pineda's mission was ineffective

End of Republic

The Act also stipulated that relations with Haiti should be maintained, for which a treaty of friendship and alliance would be proposed that would guarantee the security of both countries. December 1, 1821 coincided with the visit of a delegate from Boyer, Colonel Fremont, sent to calm the spirits of the Spanish governor Pascual Real. Núñez de Cáceres took advantage of his presence to send a letter to Boyer in which he proposed peace and friendship between the two States. However, instead of accepting this suggestion, Boyer responded, on January 11, 1822, that Haiti should govern the entire island, as a guarantee of its existence, and that, therefore, it would not hinder those who flew the Haitian flag in the former Spanish part. This declaration was accompanied by an increase in the incentive for Dominicans in favor of the merger with Haiti.

There are signs that new agents came out of Port-au-Prince to pressure notable citizens of various towns to proclaim their submission to Haiti. Núñez de Cáceres' ability to maneuver was almost nil, since, despite his moderate attitude of respect for the ruling interests, portions of said media opposed the independent order. The greatest hostility came from the Peninsulars who were unwilling to renounce their Spanish citizenship. Although the Spanish were not many at that time, they had preeminence in two key sectors: the clergy and high commerce. Priests, despite the reduction in the power of the Church, continued to be the group with the most social and cultural influence in the country. The opposition of many of them was highlighted by the archbishop, who refused all dealings with the new authorities and requested that he be allowed to leave the country. The merchants, for their part, mostly Catalans, closed ranks against Núñez de Cáceres, which had a special significance since they already constituted the sector that wielded the greatest economic power. But even a significant portion of the large Crele landowners did not hide their hostility towards the independent regime, surely because they felt Spanish and considered that there was no possibility of the country subsisting as an autonomous entity.

From the beginning of January, Boyer arranged the formation of the troops with which he planned to occupy Santo Domingo, summoning the main generals for this purpose. While carrying out these activities, the San Luis Fortress was attacked by a pro-Haitian group led by Juan Núñez Blanco, after which they proceeded to integrate a large part of the Cibao region into Haiti and to establish a junta that repudiated the Independent State of Spanish Haiti with the charge that his work was “shapeless and antisocial,” for not having abolished slavery. In the following days, the notables of almost all the towns located west of Santo Domingo signed documents rejecting Núñez de Cáceres, through which Boyer was called to enter the country to be incorporated into Haiti. At the end of January it was obvious that the Independence State of Spanish Haiti had no chance of surviving, since its authority had been practically reduced to the city of Santo Domingo. Based on the French phrases and grammatical imperfections that appear in the pro-Haitian proclamations, it has been assumed that they were apocryphal, made years later to legitimize Haitian sovereignty over Santo Domingo in the face of Spain's claims for return. The reality is that the documents were signed at that time, in correspondence with the collapse of the authority of Núñez de Cáceres and the plausible fear that many of the signatories harbored of Haitian reprisals. Of course, they responded to incitements from the Haitian capital, which is evident in the defective Spanish with which they were written.

When Núñez de Cáceres read Boyer's message, he realized that annexation with Gran Colombia would be impossible; the majority of the Dominican social and military elite preferred to ally with Haiti. Thus, he had no other choice but to answer Boyer's military command, and he agreed for the city to be placed under the protection of Haitian occupation.

In August, Núñez de Cáceres Cáceres was still in Santo Domingo, making clandestine efforts to obtain support from the authorities of Gran Colombia. Boyer learned of his activities and demanded that he be exiled, arguing that his presence on the island was an inconvenience and that, if he did not leave voluntarily, force would be used. In Venezuela, Nuñez founded several newspapers: El Constitucional Caraqueño (The Constitutional from Caracas), La Cometa (The Comet), a newspaper that harshly attacked Simón Bolívar, and El Cometa Extraordinario. In addition, the last issues of El Venezolano were also written by him. In Venezuela, he wrote fables to supplement his participation in the forums and engagement in journalism.

He wrote twelve fables, which include: el conejo (the rabbit), la oveja y el lobo (the sheep and the wolf), el lobo y el zorro (the wolf and the fox), la araña y el águila (the spider and the eagle) and la aveja y abejorros (the bee and bumble). These fables were signed under the pseudonym "El fabulista principiante" (The fabulist beginner). He was credited as the first Dominican fabulist and one of the first storytellers in Hispanic America.

Núñez de Cáceres was well-read. He was familiar with the classic 'fabulists' (Aesop, Phaedrus, Jean de La Fontaine, Samaniego and Tomás de Iriarte). They influenced him, especially when it came to the use of animals as characters. Of the nineteen characters who act in the eleven tales of the Creole fabulist, thirteen are found in Iriarte, twelve in Aesop and La Fontaine, nine in Phaedrus and eight in Samaniego. The mule, horse, donkey, cross, and bumble appear in two of the fables of Núñez de Cáceres, but not in fables written by the classic fabulists above.

Personal life At the end of the 18th century, Núñez de Cáceres married Juana de Mata Madrigal Cordero. They had six children between the years 1800 and 1816, of which three were born in Camagüey, Cuba.

After de Cáceres' death, his disciple, Simon de Portes, gave a speech at his burial: