Gregorij Rožman

Gregorij Rožman (9 March 1883 – 16 November 1959) was a Slovenian Roman Catholic prelate. Between 1930 and 1959, he served as bishop of the Diocese of Ljubljana. He may be best-remembered for his controversial role during World War II. Rožman was an ardent anti-communist and opposed the Liberation Front of the Slovene People and the Partisan forces because they were led by the Communist Party. He established relations with both the Fascist and Nazi powers, issued proclamations of support for the Axis authorities, and supported armed collaborationist forces organized by the Fascist and Nazi authorities. The Yugoslav communist government convicted him in absentia in August 1946 of treason for collaborating with the Nazis against the Yugoslav resistance. In 2009, his conviction was annulled on procedural grounds.

During the communist period, official historiography portrayed Rožman as a Nazi collaborator. Western historians, including Jozo Tomasevich and Gregor Kranjc have also, more recently, described Rožman as a collaborator, based on his proclamations and actions during the war. The Roman Catholic Church in Slovenia has been actively campaigning for his rehabilitation, claiming his actions were motivated solely to minimize the number of Slovenian casualties during the war. |group=Note

Pre-war years

Early life Rožman was born on 9 March 1883 into a Carinthian Slovene family in Dolintschitschach near Feistritz ob Bleiburg in Austria-Hungary to Franc Rožman and Terezija (née Glinik) Rožman. The family lived on a medium-sized farm, had seven children (Gregorij was the youngest) and was severely indebted. In 1889 he started attending public school in Šmihel and then enrolled in a gymnasium in Klagenfurt.

During his years in gymnasium he lived in the Marijinišče dormitory, which hosted students that were expected to study theology after graduating. He published essays in the newsletter of Carinthian Slovenes Mir and also (under the pseudonym "Emil Fanič") in the handwritten student journal Vaje, for which he edited six issues from 7th grade until graduation. After graduating with honors in 1904 he studied theology in Klagenfurt. He joined the Academy of Slovene seminaries becoming its president of it in his final year and published essays in its journal Bratoljub (which he edited in the 1906/07 academic year). At that time, Slovene students were in constant conflict with German students, who published their own journal, Germania. The conflict was over nationalistic frictions in Carinthia. He was a member of the Congregation of Mary . In his last academic year he visited Rome with the Rev Anton Benetko, where he met Pope Pius X.

Parish priest, prefect and docent

On 21 July 1907, he was ordained in his home parish of St Michael by Bishop Jožef Khan. In 1908, he was sent as a chaplain to Ferlach. At that time Ferlach was politically controlled by German liberals. The workers were tending towards social democracy. He set to renew the spiritual life in his parish and was active in propagating Christian-social ideas and organising the workers. He stayed in Ferlach for one year.

On 1 October 1909, he went to Vienna to continue his study of theology. On 27 June 1912, he obtained a PhD in theology from Catholic Theology Faculty of University of Vienna. After returning he was appointed as a prefect in boys' seminary Marianum in Klagenfurt in 1912 and as a docent of moral theology in 1913. In the 1914/15 academic year, he was appointed a docent of Canon law and relieved of prefect service. In 1914 he taught moral theology to 4th grade at Klagenfurt and moral theology and canon law to the first three grades at Plešivec. He participated in Eucharistic Congress in Vienna in 1912 and as a result wrote a prayer book titled "Presveta Evharistija" (published in 1915 by Družba Sv. Mohorja). After the publication of a new Code of church law in 1917 he was appointed to a committee for its realization in Klagenfurt Diocese. He participated in the Slovene Christian-social association as a lecturer.

The Treaty of St. Germain divided the plebiscite area in Carinthia into zone A and B. Zone A was under Yugoslav administration and lost control of Klagenfurt. Carinthian bishop Adam Hefter established a special vicariate in Ebendorf in July 1919 and appointed Rožman as a judicial consultant of general vicar provost Matija Raindl. Because of his engagement with Carinthian Slovenes and his open support for Yugoslavia in the Carinthian Plebiscite it was quite clear that in case a majority in zone A decided against Yugoslavia in the plebiscite he would not be able to stay in Carinthia.

Canon law professor in Ljubljana

Soon after the integration of the Slovenes in Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, on 23 July 1919, Regent Alexander signed a law creating the University of Ljubljana and in December lectures commenced. Janez Zore, a church historian from the Theology faculty, proposed that Rožman be invited as a professor of church law. Rožman accepted, with permission from Bishop Hefter. Rožman began lecturing on 7 January 1920. He lived in Ljubljana with professor Alfonz Levičnik and took a position of prefect in the student's seminary Marijinišče in the 1920/21 academic year. After less than five months of teaching, on 31 May, he was nominated by his colleagues for a docent position and promoted by the ministry on 27 August. He was listed as an associate professor in the 1924/25 academic year.

He published many essays, both professional and pastoral, mostly in Bogoslovni Vestnik . As in his lectures, his essays explained the practical pastoral implications of a law for a common priest. He included current events in his essays. He wrote an important essay titled Church and politics (publication date unknown) which would become very relevant in the Second World War. In it he said that the Church "has the task to protect the truths of Christianity, that is moral and religious truths, to protect, teach and accustom the nations for them to organize all their lives and acts according to these truths". In his opinion many areas are not related to the Church, giving it no right to take sides or even decide on such issues. Instead, he claimed that the Church should limit itself to religious, moral or ecclesiastical issues. He also stated his opinion about coup d'état (or revolution) and any official government authority: he said that "the church is indifferent on different forms of authority, it considers none of them to be the only right one; it rejects none, as long as it is capable of reaching the purpose of the state". This purpose was to "protect justice for everybody and to care for public prosperity".

The Church "condemns as immoral and violent change of government, every revolution". However, if the violent takeover has occurred "the Church teaches that the highest duty of every government is to take care of public prosperity. At the time of revolution, the highest duty of the government and the citizens is to end chaos as soon as possible and to build on the ruins of the old a new state, which will function as a device of public prosperity. If the revolutionary government is strong and able enough to positively organize the state to reach its goal, than this highest duty requires of every citizen to recognize the new government.". In these essays he stated that in time of war, the Church's duty is to "reduce the horror of the war" and care for war prisoners.

Another important essay was Church and the state , which was used for a lecture at the fifth Catholic rally in Ljubljana on 28 August 1923. In it he explained his relation to government, writing, "the source of every authority, even political, is God. Every authority is given for the welfare of the humanity". He added that state sovereignty cannot be absolute, as it is dependent on God, which limits that authority, the limits "which it should not cross, if it does not want to abuse its power against the will of God, in which name it wields the sword (Romans 13,4)". He says that the common concern of both, the church and the state, is marriage, children and education. Disagreement between them in these areas causes great damage to the citizens and to the state itself. He criticized the Kingdom of Yugoslavia under the Vidovdan Constitution, which set limits on church autonomy, saying that the "annunciation of the religious truth is one of the main tasks of the Catholic Church and its inner affair", so "we must, on the basis of our catholic principles, reject every attempt to institute a police control over the church in its own matters".

Involvement in the Orel

Orel was a Slovenian Roman Catholic youth gymnastic and sport movement that was organized in the early 20th century as an alternative to a liberal gymnastic movement Sokol. The decision to create it was taken at a gathering of Slovene Christian-social association in Maribor, between 3 and 4 September 1905. The first club was established in Jesenice, in February 1906. Then on 10 April 1908, the Association of Gymnastic Sections was created. On 19 March 1909 at a local assembly of AGS in Bohinjska Bistrica, the organisation was officially named Orel. Rožman learned of the organisation in Carinthia, as by 1913, its section had five sub-sections.

In 1920, in Ljubljana, he was elected by the Orel president board as secondary vice-president. As a priest, he quickly became its spiritual leader. As the organisation in Orel began to evolve, he took leadership of debate club, high-school students and other elements. After it was rebuilt in the newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Orel greatly expanded its membership, but neglected its spiritual and religious side. In 1921 Rožman wrote an article in the Theological Journal, Contributions for pastoral profession in which he expressed his ideas about pastoral activity of youth organisations (like Orel).

He first asked whether the organisation should attend equally to everyone or focus on the elite athletes. He proposed a compromise, saying that the Catholic Church is required to pastorally attend anyone that counts himself as its member, but that its missionary activity could be advanced by success in sports, especially among the youth. He emphasized the need for youth to be part of Christian organisations, because if the youngsters were left alone, they could easily fall under the influence of materialism and so become communists or social democrats. He highlighted the importance of spiritual growth, advising Orel members to join Mary's congregation (as they were more focused on spiritual life than Orel). In addition, he emphasized the importance for Orel of family values, national consciousness and other Christian values.

He left Orel in 1929, when he became suffragan bishop. The Yugoslav government banned Orel, leaving only the state-controlled Sokol shortly afterwards.

Bishop of Ljubljana He was appointed as co-adjutor bishop of Ljubljana on 17 March 1929, and consecrated titular Bishop of Semta on 14 July 1929. He succeeded as Bishop of Ljubljana on 17 May 1930. As a bishop, he set out to spiritually renew his diocese, starting with his priests, who he felt should not be involved in politics. After leaving Orel, he focused on the Marian societies , but mainly on Catholic Action, in which he saw the strongest tool for the renewal of his diocese. In the argument between two Christian youth organisations—Youth of Christ the King (sl) (whose members were known as the Mladci or Youth), led by the high-school teacher Ernest Tomec (sl), and the Guard (sl) academic club (whose members were known as the Stražarji or Guards), led by the theology professor Lambert Ehrlich. Both groups claimed to represent Catholic Action—Rožman decided in favor of the Mladci.

Second World War

Background and wartime situation in Slovenia

In the interwar period Slovenia was part of Yugoslavia. The strongest political force in the province was the Slovenska Ljudska Stranka (SLS-Slovene People's Party), under the heavy influence of the Catholic Church. The Canadian historian Gregor Kranjc notes "In [SLS] propaganda the Catholic Church and national traditions were facing a colossal struggle against atheistic, international revolutionaries".

The Nazis chose a policy of violent Germanisation. They planned to expel 240,000 Slovenes, but due to Partisan resistance expelled some 83,000 Slovenes to other parts of the Third Reich, as well as to Serbia and Croatia. More than 63,000 Slovenes were interned in Nazi concentration camps The Slovenian language was banned from public use, Slovenian cultural associations were dissolved, etc. The Nazis were hostile to the church: much of its property was confiscated, 448 priests were forced into exile, and the authorities rejected any intervention by the church. The Hungarian regime was similar to the German approach. Resistance was organized by the Liberation Front of the Slovene People, led by the Communist Party, but including 18 other groups (Christian Socialists, the gymnastic group Sokol, etc.)

The Communist Party saw the Axis takeover as a chance to gain power. It was weak in numbers but experienced in underground activities, because it was banned in Yugoslavia. The Liberation Front first developed in the Italian-annexed territory. On 16 September 1941 it declared it was the only "authorized" resistance. Traitors were to be sentenced to death. In this way Slovenes, including Church representatives (most notably Lambert Ehrlich, assassinated after he wrote a letter to the Fascist authorities, asking that they arm Slovenes, to jointly fight against the Partisans ), were "liquidated" by "Security-Intelligence Service", called VOS, a unit recruited solely from the Communist Party and communist youth organization SKOJ. The inhabitants of the province of Ljubljana, especially peasants, suffered from both Italian attacks on their lives and property and from Partisan attacks. Partisans stayed in a village for a few weeks, confiscating food and property in return for "freedom loan" certificates promising the return of property after liberation. When the Italians located the Partisans, the Partisans fled and the Army punished the villagers. After a short period the soldiers retreated to their base, the Partisans would return and the cycle continue. According to the fascist Commissar Grazioli, the Partisans liberated two-thirds of the Ljubljana Province by mid-1942. Among the victims during the war were 46 diocesan priests and 6 priests belonging to different religious orders. By comparison, the Axis forces killed 24 diocesan priests and 10 priests of different religious orders.

On the other side, Slovene collaborationist forces, like the Black Hand organization, arrested, tortured, killed and turned over many Slovenes to the Fascist and Nazi authorities. One example is the noted Slovene author Boris Pahor who along with 600 other Slovenes was turned over to the Nazis by Slovene collaborationist forces, all of them sent to the Dachau concentration camps. Altogether, more than 11,000 Slovenes were killed in Italian and German concentration camps. During the war, close to 70,000 Slovenes were killed by the Axis forces and their domestic collaborators, while some 4,000 Slovenes were killed on the collaborationist side during the war, and an additional 14,000 in reprisals after the war (the vast majority of the latter were soldiers in the collaborationist forces).

In his own diocesan newspaper Rožman wrote that following the annexation of the Ljubljana province to Italy, he actually told the fascist Commissioner, Grazioli, the following:As for the cooperation of the representatives of the Church with the new authorities of fascist Italy, the authoritative word of God for us Catholics says: "Let every man be of the highest."obedient to the authorities; for there is no authority except from God, and those that are, are from God established" (Romans, 13, 1). From this point of view, we recognize the authority that is above us, and according to our conscience, we will gladly collaborate for the temporal and eternal benefit of the people, among which among which God's Providence made us priests...We are grateful to God that He has inspired in the leader of Greater Italy the thoughts of generous justice and considerate wisdom with which His Majesty ... suggested the foundation of the Ljubljana province". Rožman thus welcomed Mussolini's annexation of Ljubljana Province to Italy and indicated his willingness to cooperate with the Fascist authorities. Rožman regularly attended events with the highest representatives of the Fascist authorities: on 5 May, the ceremonial Italian army parade; on 22 May, Rožman held a thanksgiving mass for the end of the war against Yugoslavia with fascist commissar, Grazioli, and Italian generals in attendance; on 6 June, at Italian military headquarters he listened to Mussolini's speech with generals Robotti and Orlando, etc. Rožman's actions supported efforts by pre-war Slovene political parties who sought to find accommodation with the Axis takeover, and were thus in direct opposition to the stance of the Yugoslav government-in-exile and the Allies, who did not accept the defeat, occupation, and partitioning of Yugoslavia. Italian propaganda efforts took full advantage of his willingness to oblige, leading to Rožman being criticized by priests from Primorska region, where the fascist authorities had repressed and Italianized Slovenes for decades.

On 26 September 1942, Rožman handed Grazzioli a memorandum, in which he criticized Italian means and proposed facilitating measures in 20 points. Grazzioli was furious and told him that if Rožman were not a bishop, he would have had him arrested. ) The bishop's contribution is unknown other than that he delivered the memorandum to General Robotti, commander of the Italian 11th Army Corps. The memo read:

Memorandum Aftermath The Italian fascist authorities followed through on many of the recommendations in Rožman's memorandum. Jozo Tomasevich indicated that the bishop's support led to the rapid growth of the Italian-led MVAC units, which absorbed "The Legion of Death" forces which had informally collaborated with the Italians in their brutal offensive against the Partisans in the summer of 1942. The Italians also released Yugoslav Army officers. At the urging of the SLS and other Slovene collaborationist groups, in March 1942 the Italians apprehended and sent to POW camps 1,100 Yugoslav Army officers, since Slovene collaborationist groups saw them as a threat. Now at the urging of the same SLS and Rožman, the Italians released some of the officers, but only those willing to fight against the Partisans.

Relations with Liberation Front The main resistance group, the Liberation Front, which included groups such as the Social Christians, as well as priests, made multiple appeals to Rožman. The first of these was a letter the leadership of the Liberation Front sent to Rožman on 30 November 1941 They noted the increasing involvement of priests with right-wing groups which would form the core of Slovene collaborationist forces. At the same time the Liberation Front indicated its support for freedom of religion, and stated they would like to see more priests in their movement, or at the very least would like to see priests remain neutral. They also indicated that they would be willing to meet with Rožman and discuss all issues. Rožman never responded to the letter.

Three additional letters were addressed to Rožman in 1942, by Catholics in Liberation Front, beseeching him and other members of the Church not to support collaborationist forces, which were fighting on the side of the Axis forces, causing much Slovene bloodshed, and instead urged the church to remain neutral. and some 40 priests joined the Partisans in Ljubljana Province alone. Among them was the noted historian and priest Metod Mikuž, who at one time had served as secretary to Rožman. Mikuž and two other priest became members of the Plenum, the Liberation Front's highest governing body. he dedicated all four Advent sermons to the evils of communist ideology, citing Russia and Spain.

Some of Rožman's interventions were made to gain officers for collaborationist forces. In the same letter Rožman proposed the fascist authorities create Slovene collaborationist units and Secret Police, to capture and turn over Slovenes to the Axis Forces, something both the Italians and Nazis implemented

In 1946, in Rome, Rožman himself told Bishop Joe B. Žabkar: "All the contacts I have had with the Italians, I sincerely regret. All of them. I have not achieved one thing, haven't rescued not one hostage, prevented not one deportation, saved not even one house from arson fire, eased not one single suffering. Nothing, absolutely nothing. They always promised me everything, but never gave me anything."

Relations with Germans

Bishop Rožman, SS-General Erwin Rösener and Leon Rupnik review Home Guard troops in front of Ursuline Church, Ljubljana, after the second Home Guard oath of allegiance, on 30 January 1945. After the capitulation of Italy (in September 1943), Ljubljana was occupied by the Germans. On 14 September 1943, the Nazi Gauleiter, Friedrich Rainer, met with Rožman to consult with him on setting up the new Nazi administration. Rainer had led the forced Germanization of the Slovene provinces of Styria, Carinthia and Upper Carniola, from where he expelled 83,000 Slovenes, including 448 priests, plus teachers and others to Serbia and Nazi concentration camps, confiscated Slovene businesses and church property, and forbade the use of Slovene in schools and public institutions.

Rainer told Rožman that Upper Carniola, like Styria and Carinthia, would remain annexed to Nazi Germany, but promised Nazi support to Slovene collaborationists. Rožman gave Rainer a surprisingly detailed account of battles Slovene collaborationist forces were waging against the Partisans. ), whom he planned to appoint Nazi administrator of Ljubljana. Rožman concurred with the appointment, stating that he knew no one better qualified for the job. which led to him being named in the indictment for war crimes at Nuremberg. On 24 September 1942, on Rösener's initiative, the Germans established the anti-Partisan, anti-communist Domobranci, i.e. the Slovenian Home Guard, as an SS-auxiliary force.

Rožman support of the Nazis and his antisemitism is evident in a pastoral letter published on 30 November 1943, in which Rožman wrote "only by this courageous fighting and industrious work for God, for the people and the Fatherland will we, under the leadership of Germany, assure our existence and better future in the fight against the Jewish conspiracy."

On 20 April 1944, Hitler's birthday, Rožman held a silent mass for the Home Guard, prior to their swearing a collective oath of allegiance to fight alongside the SS and German police under the leadership of the Führer Adolf, Hitler, against the Partisans and their Allies (the Allies had recognized the Partisans as an allied army in 1943). According to some witnesses, he chose to observe events from the background despite the offer of place on the main stand and left quickly afterwards. He declined to hold the mass at the second oath of allegiance to German forces on 30 January 1945 (the anniversary of the Nazi's coming to power), but Rožman appeared on the main stand, next to SS-General Erwin Rösener, while reviewing the Home Guard troops in front of the Ursuline Church. This decision led to speculation about his motives. Nothing came of the effort, and the Western Allies continued their support of the Partisans. On 3 May 1945, Rožman attended the meeting of the Slovenian Alliance which welcomed the re-establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the Tabor Declaration. They renamed the collaborationist Home Guards the Slovenian National Army and declared them liberators, while ordering them to withdraw along with German forces to Austria.

Post-war At the end of the war, Rožman fled with his car and driver to the Tyrol in the British zone of Austria.

Rožman was tried for treason in absentia by the military court of the 4th Yugoslav Army. He was convicted and sentenced to 18 years imprisonment and forced labour, lifelong loss of citizenship and limitation of citizen rights on 30 August 1946.

After the war Various leading Catholic figures from Yugoslavia were indicted for alleged war crimes, but escaped from justice, including Bishop Ivan Šarić of Vrhbosna in Sarajevo, who had supported the forcible conversion of non-Catholics to Catholicism. Rožman, Šarić and others had been living under British supervision at the bishop's palace at Klagenfurt, Austria, in October 1946.

Rožman began to appear in American and British intelligence reports as being involved in ratlines that spirited wanted Axis and collaborationist fugitives out of Europe. To get an American visa, Rožman did not visit the consulate in Bern; he communicated with the United States Consulate General at Zürich on 25 May for the purpose of obtaining a visitor's visa to the United States. On 28 May, he appeared at the Consulate General where he was informed of U.S. regulations regarding the issue of a non-quota immigration visa as a minister of religion. Rožman and Šarić were not together in Switzerland. Rožman was residing at the Institut Menzingen, near Zug, and Šarić was residing at Haute Rive near Friborg.

In Bern, Rožman's Ustashi friends were engaged in wholesale fraud, using the black market to convert the gold into dollars, and later, into Austrian schillings. 'Aid to the refugees is accounted for at the official rate of exchange for dollars', the American officers noted, adding that 'malpractices have been carried on (officially, the dollar is worth 10 schillings; on the black market, 100 to 150). According to reliable information: 'Rožman is going to Bern to take care of these finances. The money is in a Swiss bank, and he plans to have most of it sent through to Italy and from there to the Ustaše in [the] Argentine.'

A short time later Rožman duly arrived in Bern, accompanied by Bishop Ivan Šarić, the 'hangman' of Sarajevo. By the end of May 1948, Rožman had apparently carried out this money laundering operation for the Ustashi, for he visited the U.S. Consulate in Zürich and was given a 'non-quota immigration visa as a minister of religion'. He then traveled to the United States and settled in Cleveland, Ohio. The circle was now almost complete. Pavelić's stolen 'treasure' had been tracked down through close monitoring of the movements and activities of the quisling Bishop of Ljubljana. ...

Rehabilitation and lawsuits After Slovene independence in the 1990s, a request was made by the Catholic Church, to reevaluate Rožman's conviction. An official request for the reevaluation was made by Slovenian Public Prosecutor Anton Drobnič prior to the visit to Slovenia by Pope John Paul II in 1999. Anton Drobnič ordered two historians, Tamara Griesser Pečar and France M. Dolinar, to prepare a thesis or defence for this retrial. This was later published in Rožmanov proces.